28. Dwight D. Eisenhower - Atoms for Peace
Madam President and Members of the General Assembly:
When Secretary General
Hammarskjold’s invitation to address this General
Assembly reached
me in Bermuda, I was just beginning a series of conferences with
the Prime Ministers and
Foreign Ministers of Great Britain and of France. Our subject was some of the problems that
beset our world.
During the remainder of the Bermuda Conference, I had constantly in mind that ahead of me
lay a great honor. That honor is mine today, as I stand here, privileged to address the General
Assembly of the United Nations.
At the same time that I appreciate the distinction of addressing you, I have a sense of
exhilaration as I look upon this Assembly. Never before in history has so much hope for so
many people been gathered together in a single organization. Your deliberations and decisions
during these somber years have already realized part of those hopes.
But the great tests and the great accomplishments still lie ahead. And in the confident
expectation of those accomplishments, I would use the office which, for the time being, I
hold, to assure you that the Government of the United States will remain steadfast
in its support of this body.
This we shall do in the conviction that you will provide a great share of the wisdom, of the
courage, and the faith which can bring to this world lasting peace for all nations, and
happiness and wellbeing for all men.
Clearly, it would not be fitting for me to take this occasion to present to you a unilateral
American report on Bermuda. Nevertheless, I assure you that in our deliberations on that
lovely island we sought to invoke those same great concepts of universal peace and human
dignity which are so cleanly etched in your Charter. Neither would it be a measure of this
great opportunity merely to recite, however hopefully, pious platitudes.
I therefore decided that this occasion warranted my saying to you some of the things that
have been on the minds and hearts of my legislative and executive associates, and on mine, for a great
many months thoughts I had originally planned to say primarily to the American people.
I know that the American people share my deep belief that if a danger exists in the world,
it is a danger shared by all. and equally, that if hope exists in the mind of one nation, that hope should be shared by all.
Finally, if there is to be advanced any proposal designed to ease even by the smallest
measure the tensions of today’s world, what more appropriate audience could there be than
the members of the General Assembly of the United Nations. I feel impelled to speak today in
a language that in a sense is new, one which I, who have spent so much of my life in the
military profession, would have preferred never to use. That new language is the language of atomic warfare.
The atomic age has moved forward at such a pace that every citizen of the world should have
some comprehension, at least in comparative terms, of the extent of this development, of the
utmost significance to everyone of us. Clearly, if the peoples of the world are to conduct an
intelligent search for peace, they must be armed with the significant facts of today’s existence.
My recital of atomic danger and power is necessarily stated in United States terms, for these
are the only incontrovertible facts that I know. I need hardly point out to this Assembly,
however, that this subject is global, not merely national in character.
On July 16, 1945, the United States set off the world’s first atomic explosion.
Since that date in 1945, the United States of America has conducted fortytwo test explosions. Atomic bombs today are more than twentyfive times as powerful as the weapons with which the atomic age dawned, while hydrogen weapons are in the ranges of millions of tons of TNT equivalent.
Today, the United States stockpile of atomic weapons, which, of course, increases daily,
exceeds by many times the total [explosive] equivalent of the total of all bombs and all shells
that came from every plane and every gun in every theatre of war in all the years of World War II.
A single air group, whether afloat or land based, can now deliver to any reachable target a
destructive cargo exceeding in power all the bombs that fell on Britain in all of War II. In
size and variety, the development of atomic weapons has been no
less remarkable. The development has been such that atomic weapons have virtually achieved conventional status
within our armed services.
In the United States, the Army, the Navy, the Air Force, and the Marine Corps are all capable of putting this weapon
to military use. But the dread secret and the fearful engines of atomic might are not ours alone.
In the first place, the secret is possessed by our friends and allies, Great Britain and Canada,
whose scientific genius made a tremendous contribution to our original discoveries and the designs of atomic bombs.
The secret is also known by the Soviet Union.
The Soviet Union has informed us that, over recent years, it has devoted extensive resources to atomic weapons. During this period the Soviet Union has exploded a series of atomic advices devices, including at
least one involving thermonuclear reactions. If at one time
the Unites States possessed what might have been called a monopoly of atomic power, that monopoly ceased to exist several years ago.
Therefore, although our earlier start has permitted us to accumulate what is today a great
quantitative advantage, the atomic realities of today comprehend two facts of even greater significance.
First, the knowledge now possessed by several nations will eventually be shared by others, possibly all others.
Second, even a vast superiority in numbers of weapons, and a consequent capability of devastating retaliation, is no preventive, of itself, against the fearful material damage and toll of human
lives that would be inflicted by surprise aggression. The free world, at
least dimly aware of these facts, has naturally embarked on a large program of warning and defense
systems. That program will be accelerated and expanded.
But let no one think that the expenditure of vast sums for weapons and systems of defense can guarantee absolute safety
for the cities and citizens of any nation. The awful arithmetic of the atomic bomb does not
permit of any such easy solution. Even against the most powerful defense, an aggressor in
possession of the effective minimum number of atomic bombs for a surprise attack could probably place a sufficient
number of his bombs on the chosen targets to cause hideous damage.
Should such an atomic attack be launched against the United States, our reactions would be
swift and resolute. But for me to say that the defense capabilities of the United States are such that they could inflict
terrible losses upon an aggressor, for me to say that the retaliation capabilities of the Unites States are so great
that such an aggressor’s land would be laid waste, all this, while fact, is not
the true expression of the purpose and the hope of the United States.
To pause there would be to confirm the hopeless finality of a belief that two atomic colossi are
doomed malevolently to eye each other indefinitely across a trembling world. To stop there would be to accept
hope helplessly the probability of civilization destroyed, the annihilation of the irreplaceable heritage of mankind handed down to use generation from generation, and the condemnation of mankind to begin all over again the ageold
struggle upward from savagery toward decency, and right, and justice. Surely no sane member of the human race
could discover victory in such desolation.
Could anyone wish his name to be coupled by history with such human degradation and
destruction? Occasional pages of history do record the faces of the “great destroyers,” but the
whole book of history reveals mankind’s neverending quest for peace and mankind’s Godgiven
capacity to build.
It is with the book of history, and not with isolated pages, that the United States will ever
wish to be identified. My country wants to be constructive, not destructive. It wants
agreements, not wars, among nations. It wants itself to live in freedom and in the confidence
that the people of every other nation enjoy equally the right of choosing their own way of life.
So my country’s purpose is to help us move out of the dark chamber of horrors into
the light, to find a way by which the minds of men, the hopes of men, the souls of men everywhere,
can move forward toward peace and happiness and wellbeing.
In this quest, I know that we must not lack patience. I know that in a world divided, such as
ours today, salvation cannot be attained by one dramatic act.
I know that many steps will have to be taken over many months before the world can
look at itself one day and truly realize that a new climate of mutually peaceful confidence is abroad in the world.
But I know, above all else, that we must start to take these steps now.The United States and its allies, Great
Britain and France, have, over the past months, tried to
take some of these steps. Let no one say that we shun the conference table.
On the record has long stood the request of the United States, Great
Britain, and France to negotiate with the Soviet Union the problems of a divided Germany. On that record has long stood the request of the same three nations to negotiate an Austrian peace treaty. On the same record
still stands the request of the United Nations to negotiate the problems of Korea.
Most recently we have received from the Soviet Union what is in effect an expression
of willingness to hold a fourPower meeting. Along with our allies, Great
Britain and France, we were pleased to see that his note did not contain
the unacceptable preconditions previously
put forward.
As you already know from our joint Bermuda communiqué, the United States,
Great Britain, and France have agreed promptly to meet with the Soviet Union.
The Government of the United States approaches this conference with
hopeful sincerity. We will bend every effort of our minds to the single purpose of emerging from that conference
with tangible results towards peace, the only true way of lessening international tension. We
never have, we never will, propose or suggest that the Soviet Union surrender what is rightfully theirs. We will
never say that the people of Russia are an enemy with whom we have
no desire ever to deal or mingle in friendly and fruitful relationship.
On the contrary, we hope that this coming conference may initiate a relationship with the Soviet
Union which will eventually bring about a free intermingling of the peoples of the East and of the West
the one sure, human way of developing the understanding required for confident and peaceful relations.
Instead of the discontent which is now settling upon Eastern Germany, occupied Austria, and
the countries of Eastern Europe, we seek a harmonious family of free European nations, with none a threat
to the other, and least of all a threat to the peoples of the Russia.
Beyond the turmoil and strife and misery of Asia, we seek peaceful opportunity for these peoples to
develop their natural resources and to elevate their lives.
These are not idle words or shallow visions. Behind them lies a story of nations lately come to
independence, not as a result of war, but through free grant or peaceful negotiation. There is
a record already written of assistance gladly given by nations of the West to needy peoples
and to those suffering the temporary effects of famine, drought, and natural disaster. These
are deeds of peace. They speak more loudly than promises or protestations of peaceful intent.
But I do not wish to rest either upon the reiteration of past proposals or the restatement of
past deeds. The gravity of the time is such that every new avenue of peace, no matter how dimly discernible, should beexplored. There is at least one new avenue of peace which has not
yet been well explored an avenue now laid out by the General Assembly of the Unites Nations.
In its resolution of November 18th, 1953 this General Assembly suggested and
I quote “that the Disarmament Commission study the desirability of establishing a subcommittee
consisting of representatives of the Powers principally involved, which should seek in private
an acceptable solution and report such a solution to the General Assembly and to the Security
Council not later than September 1, of 1954.”
The United States, heeding the suggestion of the General Assembly of the United Nations, is
instantly prepared to meet privately with such other countries as may be “principally involved,” to seek “an acceptable solution” to the atomic armaments race which overshadows not only the peace, but
the very life of the world. We shall carry into these private or diplomatic talks a new conception.
The United States would seek more than the mere reduction or elimination of atomic materials
for military purposes. It is not enough to take this weapon out of the hands of the soldiers. It must be put into
the hands of those who will know how to strip its military casing and adapt
it to the arts of peace.
The United States knows that if the fearful trend of atomic military buildup
can be reversed, this greatest of destructive forces can be developed into a great boon, for the benefit of all
mankind. The United States knows that peaceful power from atomic energy is no dream of the
future. That capability, already proved, is here, now, today. Who can doubt, if the entire body
of the world’s scientists and engineers had adequate amounts of fissionable material with
which to test and develop their ideas, that this capability would rapidly be transformed into
universal, efficient, and economic usage?
To hasten the day when fear of the atom will begin to disappear from the minds of people and
the governments of the East and West, there are certain steps that
can be taken now. I therefore make the following proposals:
The governments principally involved, to the extent permitted by elementary prudence, to
begin now and continue to make joint contributions from their stockpiles of normal uranium
and fissionable materials to an
international atomic energy agency. We would expect that such an agency would be set
up under the aegis of the United Nations.
The ratios of contributions, the procedures, and other details would properly be within
the scope of the “private conversations” I have referred to earlier.
The United States is prepared to undertake these explorations in good faith. Any partner of
the United States acting in the same good faith will find the United States a not unreasonable or ungenerous associate.
Undoubtedly, initial and early contributions to this plan would be small in quantity. However,
the proposal has the great virtue that it can be undertaken without the irritations and mutual
suspicions incident to any attempt to set up a completely acceptable system of worldwide
inspection and control.
The atomic energy agency could be made responsible for the impounding, storage, and
protection of the contributed fissionable and other materials. The ingenuity of our scientists
will provide special, safe conditions under which such a bank of fissionable material can be
made essentially immune to surprise seizure.
The more important responsibility of this atomic energy agency would be to devise methods
whereby this fissionable material would be allocated to serve the peaceful pursuits of
mankind.
Experts would be mobilized to apply atomic energy to the needs of agriculture,
medicine, and other peaceful activities. A special purpose would be to provide abundant
electrical energy in the powerstarved areas of the world. Thus the contributing Powers would
be dedicating some of their strength to serve the needs rather than the fears of mankind.
The United States would be more than willing it
would be proud to take up with others “principally involved” the development of plans whereby such peaceful use of atomic energy would be expedited.
Of those “principally involved” the Soviet
Union must, of course, be one. I would be prepared to submit to
the Congress of the United States, and with every expectation of approval, any
such plan that would, first, encourage worldwide investigation into
the most effective peacetime uses of fissionable material, and with the certainty that
they [the investigators] had all the material
needed for the conduct of all experiments that were appropriate. second, begin to
diminish the potential destructive power of the world’s atomic stockpiles. third, allow
all peoples of all nations to see that, in this enlightened age,
the great Powers of the earth, both of the East and of the West, are interested in human aspirations first rather than
in building up the armaments of war. fourth, open up a new
channel for peaceful discussion and initiate at least a new approach to
the many difficult problems that must be solved in both
private and public conversations, if the world is
to shake off the inertia imposed by fear and is to make positive progress toward peace.
Against the dark background of the atomic bomb, the United States does not wish merely to present strength, but also
the desire and the hope for peace.
The coming months will be fraught with fateful decisions. In this Assembly, in the capitals and
military headquarters of the world, in the hearts of men everywhere, be they governed or
governors, may they be the decisions which will lead
this world out of fear and into peace.
To the making of these fateful decisions, the United States pledges before you, and therefore
before the world, its determination to help solve the fearful atomic dilemma to
devote its entire heart and mind to
find the way by which the miraculous inventiveness of man shall not
be dedicated to his death, but consecrated to his life.
I again thank the delegates for the great honor they have done me in inviting me to appear
before them and in listening me to me so courteously.
Thank you.
英语演讲28. Dwight D. Eisenhower - Atoms for Peace
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